The biggest lesson from the political crisis in Israel
The War Between Israel And The Arabs: A Demographic Analysis of Israeli Orthodox, Traditional and Haredi Populations in the Light of Oslo Agreements
In Israel, the religious-right coalition has a permanent majority because of demographic changes. Secular liberals in Israel feel that they are a minority in their own country due to demographic changes: More than 50% of Jewish Israelis identify as traditional, religious or Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) and demographers expect these politically conservative populations to increase as a share of Israel. According to a 2016 survey, more than 50 percent of Jewish Israelis agree that Arabs should be expelled from Israel, compared with less than 40 percent who disagree.
First, you realize that, despite episodic blowups, these highly diverse, often antagonistic, but deeply intertwined communities have been kept in rough equilibrium since the 1993 Oslo Accords, thanks to a combination of Israel’s security clampdowns, the workings of the Palestinian Authority, economic growth and a whole lot of pragmatic compromises and self-restraint exercised by all sides every day.
But you also realize that a variety of long-developing demographic, technological, political and social changes are reaching tipping points that are stressing all the balances between Jews and Jews, Jews and Israeli Arabs, Jews and Palestinians and Palestinians and Palestinians that have kept this place reasonably stable.
The peace process is fading and there’s a lack of prospects of a two-state solution, the corruption within the Palestinian Authority and the prevalence of TikTok are all examples of that. In the past year alone, according to B’Tselem, an Israeli human rights group, roughly 20 Israelis and more than 150 Palestinians have died in violent incidents.
The Israel-US War: How Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu Decided to Remain Prime Minister During the 2016 Israeli Referendum to the Knesset
Editor’s Note: Frida Ghitis, a former CNN producer and correspondent, is a world affairs columnist. She is a weekly opinion contributor to CNN, a contributing columnist to The Washington Post and a columnist for World Politics Review. She has her own views in this commentary. View other people’s opinion on CNN.
Embattled Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who faces a slew of charges against him – mostly centered on allegations of fraud and bribery, which he denies – managed to put together a governing coalition by bringing in extremist right-wing parties who demanded enormous power in exchange for providing the necessary votes for Netanyahu to become prime minister.
A key demand was a judicial overhaul that would, among things, allow the Israeli Parliament – the Knesset – to overturn certain Supreme Court rulings with a simple majority vote and to give the ruling parties control of judicial appointments.
Netanyahu was trapped in a vise. If the protesters agreed to his demands, his coalition members might leave him. But Minister of National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir, of the radical Jewish Power party, agreed to postpone the legislation.
It seemed odd totrigger a massive popular uprising in Israel, but the country’s democratic status was at stake, and the wave of protests that followed was one of the most disciplined and determined in recent memory.
Netanyahu relented on Monday, agreeing to delay the changes until the next legislative term. The crisis, however, is not over.
He was suggesting that if Israel weakens its democracy, its ties with the US could do the same. That gives Netanyahu a lot to think about. For most Israelis, Israel’s democracy is fundamental to its identity, security and prosperity.
He said the law will allow the government to destroy our freedom. In an echo of the US Declaration of Independence, Harari says that citizens have a right to resist if the government fails to honor its commitments.
The sun shone on Monday, revealing a changed horizon. The main labor union called for a strike. Schools were closed, flights were grounded, even one of the Netanyahu’s lead attorneys said he would no longer defend him if he pushed ahead.
In exchange, Netanyahu agreed to create a national guard under Ben Gvir’s control – a very dangerous idea. Granting what amounts to a separate militia to a radical government minister at the center of this dispute could turn non-violent clashes into something much worse.
Source: https://www.cnn.com/2023/03/27/opinions/political-crisis-israel-biggest-lesson-ghitis/index.html
The Battle of Democracy in the Age of Conquest: The Case of the Goliathenko-Robertson-Walker Insensus
The battle, however, is far from over. For the past two decades, democracy has been on the defensive across the globe, and has been losing ground.
