The residents of Kherson know Russia remains a threat despite the cheers of crowds on the streets

What the Russians don’t see: The case of the Vuhledar attack by a former Defense Minister and the head of Russian language at the US Congress-funded media

While most Russians see a distorted picture of Russia battling the possible invasion of their own territory, they don’t see Russians dying, according to the head of Russian language content at the US Congress-funded media.

The latest episode to expose the fissures came this month when Russian tanks went off course and hit some mines in Vuhledar. Russian troops were shot “like turkeys at a shooting range” by a former Defense Minister who is now a strident critic of the campaign. He called the Russian forces morons in another post. The commander of the Eastern Grouping of forces, Lieutenant General Rustam Muradov, was called for dismissal by several Russian commentators.

The head of the defence committee in Russia’s State Duma demanded that officials stop lying in an interview with Russian propagandist Vladimir Solovyov.

The Ministry of Defense has been accused of covering up events such as Ukrainian cross-border strikes in Russian regions.

Near the Ukrainian border, Valuyki is in the Belgorod region. Kyiv has generally avoided saying anything about its plans to hit Russia across the border.

Russians who have been installed by Moscow to run occupied areas ofUkraine have been criticized. Kirill Stremousov, the Russianappointed deputy leader of the occupied Kherson region, lambasted Russian military commanders on Telegram, for allowing gaps on the battlefield that allowed the Ukrainian military to make advances.

“There is no need to somehow cast a shadow over the entire Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation because of some, I do not say traitors, but incompetent commanders, who did not bother, and were not accountable, for the processes and gaps that exist today,” Stremousov said. “Indeed, many say that the Minister of Defense [Sergei Shoigu], who allowed this situation to happen, could, as an officer, shoot himself. The word officer is an unfamiliar one for many.

Kadyrov has been a lot more willing to blame Russian commanders after the retreat of the strategic Ukrainian city of Lyman.

Kadyrov blamed the commander of Russia’s Central Military District for the debacle on Telegram, accusing him of moving his headquarters away from his subordinates and failing to adequately provide for his troops.

As the big platforms have curbed the reach of Russia’s official channels, there’s been an uptick in covert activity linked to Russia, according to officials at Meta. Over the last year, the company has taken down two large networks of accounts, pages, and groups in an attempt to influence the perception of the war.

One of the central features of Putinism is a fetish for World War II, known in Russia as the Great Patriotic War. The tactics of the Red Army to fight Hitler’s Wehrmacht, such as sending soldiers accused of desertion, cowardice or wavering against German positions as cannon fodder, are often praised by those in Russia’s party of war.

Kadyrov, who recently announced that he had been promoted by Putin to the rank of colonel general, was one of the most prominent voices arguing for the use of harsh methods in the past. He recently said in another Telegram post that, if he had his way, he would give the government extraordinary wartime powers in Russia.

“Yes, if it were my will, I would declare martial law throughout the country and use any weapon, because today we are at war with the whole NATO bloc,” Kadyrov said in a post that also seemed to echo Putin’s not-so-subtle threats that Russia might contemplate the use of nuclear weapons.

The fate of Kherson: from the beginnings to the end of the Cold War. The story of the last Russian occupation of the Dnipro River

For much of the journey through smaller towns and settlements, our team of CNN journalists was forced to drive through diversions and fields: bridges over canals were blown up, and roads were full of craters and littered with anti-tank mines.

Russian soldiers abandoned their trenches and checkpoints after they withdrew from the west bank of the Dnipro River in the southern region of Kherson.

There was no military presence on the outskirts, except for a Ukrainian checkpoint near the city center, which was waved in by half a dozen soldiers.

Billboards around the city that once read “Ukraine is Russian forever” have reportedly been spray-painted over with the message: “Ukraine was Russia’s until November 11.”

The city’s residents have no water, no internet connection and little power. The mood was high as a CNN crew entered the city center.

Once the scene of large protests against Russian plans to transform the region into a breakaway pro-Russian republic, the streets of Kherson are now filled with jubilant residents wrapped in Ukrainian flags, or with painted faces, singing and shouting.

The military presence is still limited, but huge cheers erupt from crowds on the street every time a truck full of soldiers drives past, with Ukrainian soldiers being offered soup, bread, flowers, hugs and kisses by elated passersby.

As CNN’s crew stopped to regroup, we observed an old man and an old woman hugging a young soldier, with hands on the soldier’s shoulder, exchanging excited “thank yous.”

There has been lots of tears and worries this year. People close to me have been killed by Russians, and I read the news about them.

With the occupiers gone, everyone wants you to understand what they’ve been through, how euphoric they feel right now, and how much they’re grateful to the countries who have helped them.

Everyone we have spoken to is aware that there are tougher days to come: that the Russians across the river could shell them here. It’s unclear if all Russian troops have left Kherson. Behind this euphoria, there’s still that uncertainty.

Ukrainian officials have intensified their raids on churches accused of links with Moscow, and are watching to see if the president follows through with his threat of a ban on the Russian Orthodox Church.

A week-ahead-at-russias-war-dec-12: latest on Ukraine’s military base and where to go next

The European Commission president and the Norwegian prime minister are going to dinner in Paris with the French president.

In France, there is aUkrainian conference being held on Tuesday that will include a video address by the Ukrainian President.

After being in Russian custody for almost 10 months, U.S. basketball player was freed on December 8th. Her release came in exchange for the U.S. handing over convicted Russian arms dealer Viktor Bout. Griner is back in the U.S. and reunited with her wife. There is reports that Bout is a member of an ultranationalist party.

The measures targeting Russian oil revenue were put in place on Dec. 5. A price cap and European Union embargo on most Russian oil imports are included.

Ukraine struck two military bases inside Russia. The New York Times reported that drones from Ukrainian territory were used to attack Russia and showed the willingness of Ukraine to take the fight deep into Russia.

The church is reported to be used as a Russian military base in the occupied city of Melitopol. The city in southeastern Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia region was used as a target by the Ukrainian forces.

Zelenskyy said that the city of Bakhmut has been turned into burned ruins. Russia is attempting to advance on the city in the east Donbas region.

Source: https://www.npr.org/2022/12/12/1141827823/latest-on-ukraine-a-weekly-recap-and-look-ahead-at-russias-war-dec-12

The State of Ukraine: A Tale of Two Events in the First Half of Putin’s War with the Russians and the New York Public Radio Network (NPR)

The leaders of France and Turkey were in a phone call with Zelenskyy on December 11th, in an apparent effort to keep the peace after the Russian invasion.

You can read past recaps here. There are more in-depth stories here on NPR’s website. Also, listen and subscribe to NPR’s State of Ukraine podcast for updates throughout the day.

On February 24, 2022, I was supposed to be in Kyiv. My husband broke his shoulder a few days before that and we had to stay in Moscow. He had surgery at 9:00 a.m. that day.

Whether it’s going through with a wedding in the aftermath of a rocket attack, pitching in to make Molotov cocktails, shifting classes to a Kyiv subway station as missiles fly or keeping a family business open against all odds, one thing Putin’s invasion has done is galvanize the Ukrainian people like never before.

In the space of a year, the war has claimed tens of thousands of lives and displaced millions more. It has wreaked havoc, decimated cities, caused a food and energy crisis and tested the resolve of western alliances.

The War of 2022 between the Russians and the United States: How My Husband and I Methed on the Night of February 23rd

February 23, 2022. I went to bed expecting that my husband would be celebrating his birthday that day. Our life was going better. The man was running his own business. Our daughter had started school and made friends there. We were lucky to have arranged support services and found a special needs nursery for our son. I had some time to work. I was happy.

We are trying to live in the here and now. But the truth is, we are heartbroken. Our hearts are still in Ukranian, even though we are in Czech Republic.

Thanks to the opportunities for Ukrainians provided by the Czech Republic, my husband got a job. I found special needs classes for my son. He is a learning support assistant and attends an adaptation group for Ukrainian children. My daughter goes to a Czech school while studying in her Ukrainian school remotely.

Andrei Kolesnikov is a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He is the author of several books on Russia, including “Five Five- Year Liberal Reforms.” Egor Gaidar and Russian Modernization have been linked to each other.

That morning we woke up to learn that the invasion started. I wrote an open letter denouncing the war, which was co-signed by 12 Russian writers, directors and cultural figures. Soon it was published, and tens of thousands of Russian citizens added their signatures.

On the third day we, my husband and I, left Russia. I felt that it was an obligation to follow the law. I could no longer stay on the territory of the state that has become a fascist one.

We moved to Berlin. My husband went to work as a volunteer at the refugee camp next to the main railway station, where thousands of Ukrainians had been arriving every day. I started to write a new book. It begins like this.

This is a confession from the book. I’m guilty of not reading the signs earlier. I’m responsible for Russia’s war against Ukraine. As are my contemporaries and our forebears. Russian culture is responsible for making these horrible things possible.

I know that Russian people are infected with imperialism. We failed to spot just how deadly the very idea of Russia as a “great empire” was – now we have to come a long way, healing our nation from that disease.

Michael Bociurkiw moved from Canada to Ukranian in the summer. He is a senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council, and a former spokesman for Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.

In the last week, Russia has fired missiles towards several Ukrainian cities, including my adopted city Odesa. Air raid sirens blare as we bolt for shelter into enclosed hallways. My landlady brings me a pot of noodles to help me feel normal.

One of the fights was to try to claim my life back. Russia stole the life of millions of Ukrainians.

Time and again since the Russian invasion started, I’m haunted by the darkness in my father’s eyes during the re-telling of chilling dinnertime stories of relatives shipped off to the Soviet gulag, never to return. Stories of millions of Ukrainians who starved to death in Stalin’s manmade famine of 1932-33.

What has changed since Russian missiles began to fall? The Ukrainians are angry at the rockets and drones being thrown at them.

A lecturer in Ukrainian at the School of Slavonic and East- European Studies, University College London, and a project curator at the Ukrainian Institute London, Sasha Dovzhyk is very knowledgeable about Ukrainian culture and history. She divides her time between London and Ukraine where she works as a “fixer“– a translator and producer for foreign journalists.

A year into the full-scale invasion, my passport is a novel in stamps. My life is split between London and Ukraine, where I receive my lessons in courage.

My Zaporizhzhia friends who used to do drugs when they were teenagers have volunteered to fight them. My hairdresser, whom I expected to remain a sweet summer child, turned out to have fled on foot from the Russia-occupied town of Bucha through the forest with her mother, grandmother and five dogs.

My capital, which the Kremlin and the West expected to fall in three days, has withstood 12 months of Russia’s terrorist bombings and energy blackouts. These dark winter nights, one sees so many stars over Kyiv which the Russians have only managed to bring closer to eternity.

Ukrainians have learned that they’re stronger than they thought. Have those who have underestimated them learned their lessons? Military aid has been enough for Ukraine to survive but not to crush the enemy.

We have experienced several eras since February of 2022, that’s what it seems. Putin received more than 80% approval from the population, after a time in which his ratings were stagnant.

And in the fall, public demobilization was replaced by mobilization – Putin demanded that citizens share responsibility for the war with him with their bodies. This caused an unprecedented amount of anxiety but the bulk of the population preferred to adapt.

By aborting the past, he canceled the future. Those who were disoriented, preferred to support Putin: it is easier to live this way when your superiors decide everything for you, and you take for granted everything you are told by propaganda.

It’s difficult to adapt to disasters, which is what happened for me and my family. As an active commentator I was labeled by the authorities as a foreign agent who increased my personal risk and made me believe I was living in a utopian world.

I washed my dog, took a bath and lit some candles at night. I have a one-bedroom apartment in the north of the city. I loved taking care of it. I loved the life I had. All of it – the small routines and the struggles. That night was the last time my life mattered.

I was talking to colleagues about forming an army of volunteers to strengthen the newsroom. My parents should organize buying supplies.

The life I knew was falling apart, starting with the small things. It no longer mattered what cup I used to drink my morning tea, or how I dressed, or whether or not I took a shower. Life itself no longer mattered, only the battle did.

It was hard to remember the good times of the pre-war era just a few weeks into the full-scale invasion. I would remember being upset about my boyfriend, but I could no longer relate. On February 24, my life was taken from me.

The shock of the war became a desire to act through sports. Athletes are capable of fighting against Russian propaganda. We just had to tell the truth about the war and Ukrainians – how strong, kind and brave we are. How we have come together to protect our country.

I was no longer concerned with my personal ambitions. Only the common goal was crucial – to raise our flag and show that we are fighting even under these circumstances.

I couldn’t enjoy my victories on the track. The only way they were possible was because so many defenders had died. But I received phone calls from soldiers at the frontline. It was my main motivation to continue my career, since they were very happy to follow our achievements.

What is the point of the Russian war? The challenges of independent media outlets in a country without a Kremlin: the case of Krasnodar

Most independent journalists left the country because of the new censorship laws, which still targeted any media still operating outside the controls of the Kremlin. Russians were closed off from Western news and social media sites as a result of a digital Iron Curtain.

Many are discouraged from sharing their views on the conflict because of a culture of silence. A married couple in the southwestern Russian city of Krasnodar were reportedly arrested in January for professing anti-war sentiments during a private conversation in a restaurant, according to the independent Russian monitoring group OVD-Info.

Independent outlets face challenges reaching beyond internet natives, who are younger and living in cities, and penetrating the media diet of Russians who are more conservative and supportive of the war.

“I do have an opinion about the special military operation … it remains the same to this day,” Anna told CNN in Moscow. “I can’t tell you which side I support. I am for truth and justice. Let’s leave it like that,” she said.

“My opinion on Ukraine has changed,” said Ekaterina, 37, who turns to popular Russian news program “60 Minutes” after getting home from work. “At first my feelings were: what is the point of this war? Why did they take the decision to start it? The lives of people in Russia are made worse by it.

CNN didn’t use the full names of people who were critical of the Kremlin. Public criticism of the war in Ukraine or statements that discredit Russia’s military can potentially mean a fine or a prison sentence.

In a country where pollsters are attacked and citizens are reluctant to publicly condemn President Putin, it’s hard to gain public opinion. According to the Levada Center, Russia’s support went up from March to November last year, by only 6 percent.

In many respects, that is unsurprising. There is little room for dissenting voices on Russian airwaves; the propaganda beamed from state-controlled TV stations since the onset of war has at times attracted derision around the world, so overblown are their more fanatical presenters and pundits.

And, in a farfetched statement that encapsulates the alternate reality in state TV channels exist, another pro-Russian former lawmaker claimed of Moscow’s war progress: “Everything is going to plan and everything is under control.”

Such programming typically appeals to a select group of older, more conservative Russians who pine for the days of the Soviet Union – though its reach spans generations, and it has claimed some converts.

Source: https://www.cnn.com/2023/02/27/europe/russia-propaganda-information-ukraine-anniversary-cmd-intl/index.html

The Ukrainian War Between Russia and the Second World War II: The State of the Problem and the Status of Russia in the Light of the Fourth Ukrainian Revolutionary War

The conflict has taken a personal toll on her. “My life has deteriorated a lot in this year. Thankfully, no one close to me has been mobilized. But I lost my job. She said that she sees radical changes around her.

And yet, Ekaterina’s initial opposition to the invasion has disappeared. “I arrived at the understanding that this special military operation was inevitable,” she said. It would have come to this regardless of what. And had we not acted first, war would have been unleashed against us,” she added, mirroring the false claims of victimhood at the hands of the West that state media relentlessly communicate.

“I trust the news there completely. Yes, they all belong to the state, (but) why should I not trust them?” Yuliya, a 40-year-old HR director at a marketing firm, told CNN. I think the war is going well. It is taking longer than one would want it to. But I think it is successful,” said Yuliya, who said her main source of news is the state-owned Channel One.

Around two-thirds of Russians rely primarily on television for their news, according to the Levada Center, a higher proportion than in most Western countries.

“Everything I hear on state channels I split in half. I don’t trust anyone (entirely),” 55-year-old accountant Tatyana said. “One needs to analyze everything … because certain things they are omitting, (or) not saying,” said Leonid, a 58-year-old engineer.

Several people that CNN spoke with in Moscow this month emphasized the fact that they engaged with state-controlled TV but did not think it was right. And many reach different views on Ukraine.

Some of the minorities on the side of the conflict have cut off friendship, leaving the country as a result. According to sociologists who track Russian opinion, the majority of people in the country are between the two extremes.

“Quite often we are only talking about these high numbers of support (for the war),” Denis Volkov, the director of the Moscow-based Levada Center, said. “But it’s not that all these people are happy about it. They would rather have the fighting stopped, even though they support their side.

“A lot of doubters don’t go very deep into the news … many of them don’t believe that Russian soldiers kill Ukrainians – they repeat this narrative they see on TV,” she said.

There is more than one person who is far from alone. The attitude is to not discuss the news with your friends or colleagues. Because what can you do about it?” said Volkov. The government will do what they want regardless of what you say.

That feeling of futility means anti-war protests in Russia are rare and noteworthy, a social contract that suits the Kremlin. “People don’t want to go and protest; first, because it might be dangerous, and second, because they see it as a futile enterprise,” Volkov said.

Most of the population disengages. “In general, those people try to distance themselves from what’s going on,” Savelyeva added. They try to live as if nothing is happening.

“I have felt anxious ever since this began. A woman asked to remain anonymous told CNN last month that it is affecting the availability of products. There is not a lot of public information. People should be explained things. Everyone is listening to Soloviev,” she said, referring to prominent propagandist Vladimir Soloviev.

A film student, who said she hadn’t heard from a friend for two months following his mobilization, added: “I don’t know what’s happened to him. He could say “I’m alive,” and it would be nice.

Source: https://www.cnn.com/2023/02/27/europe/russia-propaganda-information-ukraine-anniversary-cmd-intl/index.html

The Russian Frontline, YouTube, WhatsApp, Youtube and the Internet: What do we need to do to stop the media from spreading Ukrainian propaganda in the Ukraine?

The outlet is one of the most influential platforms bringing uncensored scenes from the Ukrainian frontlines into Russian-speaking homes, primarily through digital platforms still allowed by the Kremlin including YouTube, Telegram and WhatsApp.

And interest has surged throughout the war, the network says. “We saw traffic spikes after the mobilization, and after the Ukrainian counter-offensives, because people started to understand what (the war) means for their own communities and they couldn’t get it from local media.”

“We need to get to the wider audience in Russia,” Sukhotski said. The battle against Russian state propaganda is uphill, but where we shape our strategy is where it’s at.

Reaching Russians at all has not been easy. After the invasion, most of RFE/RL staff had to leave Russia in a hurry, but they continued to work in the Czech Republic.

His staff are “still coming to terms with that,” Sukhotski admitted. They know how they can help Russia.

A Levada Center poll conducted two months after Russia invaded states that 20% of Russians use a proxy service to access blocked websites.

Searches for such services on Google spiked to record levels in Russia following the invasion, and have remained at their highest rates in over a decade ever since, the search engine’s tracking data shows.

YouTube meanwhile remains one of the few major global sites still accessible, thanks to its huge popularity in Russia and its value in spreading Kremlin propaganda videos.

And that allows censored organizations a way in. I like to watch video on the Internet. One Moscow resident, who was against the war, told CNN that he watches everything there. She said that she never watches federal channels. I am not sure if they say a word. They tell a lot of lies all the time. You’ve just got to switch on your logic, compare some information and you will see that it’s all a lie.”

Source: https://www.cnn.com/2023/02/27/europe/russia-propaganda-information-ukraine-anniversary-cmd-intl/index.html

The crisis of the Kremlin: How far has the Ukrain armed forces come from the battlefield? Analysis of Telegram’s response to the March 24 Ukrainian invasion

Telegram, meanwhile, has spiked in popularity since the war began, becoming a public square for military bloggers to analyze each day on the battlefield.

The analysis seemed to follow the Kremlin’s line at first. According to the Senior Fellow of CEPA who studies the Kremlin’s internal affairs, everything started unraveling after the successful counter-offensives by the Ukrainians. “I’ve never seen anything like it,” she said.

Many of the hawks in the online community have left the line in recent months, lambasting the tactics of the armed forces and losing faith in the high command.

The impact of those fractured bones isn’t known. For now, Putin can rely on a citizenry that is generally either supportive of the conflict or too fatigued to proclaim its opposition.

According to analysts at the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab, the Kremlin needed to strangle all sympathy and support in order to defeat Ukraine on the battlefield.

It is a continuation of President Putin’s plan to annex eastern Ukraine, which began when Russia gained control of part of the peninsula.

Since last February’s invasion, Russian-linked influence operations on social media have “used a throw-the-spaghetti-at-the-wall-to-see-what-sticks kind of approach,” said Nathaniel Gleicher, head of security policy at Facebook parent Meta.

How Russia is Losing and Wining the Information War in Ukraine? A Conversation with Osadchuk, RT’s Spanish-language Research Associate, and Walter

The point is not that people will believe every one of these narratives, or even be fully convinced by any single claim, said Roman Osadchuk, a DFRLab research associate.

The main goal is to make people be more curious or disinterested, or both, by inflating the information space with many false theories and denials.

The United States picked up on and amplified the claim that the U.S. government helpedUkraine develop biological weapons.

Kyle Walter said that there has been a focus on non-English-language information. They are both trying to change their opinion of the invasion, but also to position themselves as a better strategic partner moving forward.

The efforts had an impact. RT’s Spanish-language channels get high engagement on Facebook and Twitter in Latin America, DFRLab found. Logically’s Walter links Russian messaging to lower levels of support for Ukraine in the global south.

“You’ve seen a lot of that manifest in different U.N. resolutions,” he said. “Particularly in Africa and southeast Asia, 15 of the 20 regional countries will abstain from the vote, and maybe two or three actually condemn the invasion.”

Source: https://www.npr.org/2023/02/28/1159712623/how-russia-is-losing-and-winning-the-information-war-in-ukraine

How Russia is losing and winning the information war in Ukraine: A warning on the use of social media by the bad guys and the Kremlin

Researchers and the social media companies say that’s pushed Russia to adapt its tactics. It turned to proxies, like the Chinese government and right-wing figures in Europe and the U.S., to launder its narratives into public conversation.

It’s turned to other platforms like TikTok and the messaging app Telegram. It’s set up new web domains to try to escape restrictions on platforms such as Facebook. RT videos are posted to YouTube scrubbed of their identification with the channel, which has been banned from the Google-owned video site.

The company said the tactics used to target Ukraine were more similar to the ones used by the bad guys than the more sophisticated influence efforts of the past.

“These campaigns resembled smash-and-grab operations that used thousands of fake accounts across social media in an attempt to overwhelm the conversation with content”, said Nick Clegg, Meta’s president of global affairs.

The Kremlin has cracked down at home and banned Russians from accessing many big U.S. internet platforms as Russia has increased its use of social media. It all adds up to a more splintered global internet, where what information you are exposed to is increasingly determined by where you are in the world.

Source: https://www.npr.org/2023/02/28/1159712623/how-russia-is-losing-and-winning-the-information-war-in-ukraine

“Everything is up for debate”: the story of the Redan fad in Ukraine, as the Kremlin calls it

Walter, the researcher, said that it plays to the fact that everything is up for debate. “Truth is up for debate, democracy is up for debate, institutions and their role in providing human rights, for example, is up for debate. Everything has been brought into question by them.

In the Ukrainian capital, police said the instigators of “the subculture that came from Russia” were two teenagers, a girl aged 15 who had created a Telegram channel and a 14-year-old boy who had organized a “conflict meeting.”

The gangs have become known as “RedanPMC”, combining the names of a Japanese comic character and Private Military Company, a group notorious for their brutality.

In Kharkiv alone, law enforcement officers identified 245 participants in what it called a flash mob launched by the Russian Federation. 215 of them were minors. The city police chief said that the Russian security services should have begun a fight to make the Russian TV use it. Gas canisters, knives, brass knuckles were found in the possession of many (participants).”

The girl said the group was just for hype, and there was no Redan in Kyiv. She also said that the Redan fad was straight-up Russian propaganda. I want you to focus on caring about our men who are currently fighting and not on information that may be false.

Redan fans wear a very particular motif: the outline of a spider with the number 4. It is derived from a Japanese anime series called “Hunter x Hunter,” in which there is a gangster group called Gen’ei Ryodan (hence Redan). Social media videos and images show that members of Redan in Russia prefer black hoodies and pants.

The Kremlin is talking about Redan. Spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Tuesday it was important to stop “illegal actions. And, of course, it is rather, let’s say, a pseudo-subculture that goes with a minus sign and which does nothing good for our youth.”

The police blocked 18 Telegram channels and groups because they were created to conduct Russian military information campaigns, undermine the domestic situation in Ukraine and involve children in illegal activities.

Source: https://www.cnn.com/2023/03/02/europe/anime-inspired-russian-gangs-ukraine-intl/index.html

Interactions among teens: the case of an adolescent who created a social media page to help prevent violence among children in the country

They added that “about 30 youth gatherings took place in different regions of the country over the course of two days. Law enforcement officers immediately responded and prevented conflicts among teenagers.”

In a video recorded and later released by the police, the teenager says: “I am the founder of a group with about 2,500 members. I created it to make money from advertising posts, as the topic of Redan is popular on social media.”

A total of more than 700 people have been summoned to police stations, according to the head of the Juvenile Prevention Department of the National Police. Bohdan said the force was appealing to parents to “show interest in who their children communicate with.”